It is best to be both feared and loved; however, if one cannot be both it is better to be feared than loved.”
- Niccolò Machiavelli
If recent news accounts from around the world about America in 2008 are to be taken at face value, America today is an unpopular country, fighting an unpopular war, and being led by an unpopular President. However, this cursory analysis leaves one key question unanswered: Does America’s reputation abroad matter when it comes to its foreign policy?
In a word, the answer is no.
American foreign policy is not a popularity contest; it is a game of realpolitik. It is conducted on the basis of ensuring American security, furthering American interests and the interests of her allies, and preserving America’s freedom and democracy.
As the world’s lone superpower, America’s actions in the complex, modern world that we live in are certainly going to be analyzed, critiqued and criticized. And for the critics who disagree with America’s actions, America has been charged with pursuing a doctrine of unilateralism in the key foreign policy issues of the day – ranging from the War on Terror and the Iraq War to the global response to climate change.
However, the very charge of unilateralism fails to recognize the interwoven nature of modern global politics. As one of the main architect of global systems that promote security and stability – organizations ranging from the United Nations and NATO, to the G7, IMF and World Bank – America has far more to lose through disengagement than it has continued to gain through engagement.
By the same token, multilateral engagement is not a substitute for leadership. As the world’s lone superpower, America has responded to modern day foreign policy challenges by assuming the mantle of leadership and acting on the strength of her convictions. Leadership is not about taking popular actions, but instead taking those actions that best represent the collective will of the democratic republic that has served as the basis for America’s government for over 200 years.
In no area is this more true than the War in Iraq. In the aftermath of the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States responded by prosecuting the War on Terror in both Afghanistan and Iraq. Yet despite the unpopularity of this war domestically, through three Congressional election cycles (in 2002, 2004, and 2006) and a Presidential election cycle (in 2004) the United States has maintained a relatively steady course in Iraq despite the ability to change the leadership and the democratic mechanism through elections to hold elected leaders accountable for the actions that they have taken.
For despite the unpopularity of the War in Iraq, the recent actions of the United States continue to lead to results. The Suni insurgency has been defeated. Shiite militias have lost influence and power. Al Qadea’s capabilities have been significantly degraded. Iraq’s security forces have been strengthened. And overall violence has dropped by 80% since the American surge began, with U.S. military deaths dropping from 70 a month in 2007 to 25 a month today. By creating the conditions for future peace, stability and security, the United States is giving the still fledgling Iraqi government the opportunity to thrive.
The American experiment in democracy provides for built-in obsolescence of leadership in our executive branch every four years at its minimum and every eight years at its maximum. And so love our current President or hate him, the United States will have the opportunity to embark upon a new course of foreign policy on January 20, 2009, reflective of the hopes, dreams, and ambitions of our new President. Against this backdrop, restoring America’s reputation may not be necessary: the Pew Global Attitudes Project found that in 2007, favorable views of the United States increased in 10 of 21 countries. This list has included countries that one would not stereotype by popular characterization as being generally favorably disposed to America – countries including France, Russia, Indonesia, China and Pakistan.
So is an American charm offensive really necessary in 2009? Maybe if you were going for the title of Ms. Congeniality in a beauty contest. But not when it comes to American foreign policy.
Melissa Wisner is currently a graduate student at Johns Hopkins SAIS, where she will be receiving her joint degree in international economics and International Policy (Energy) in May 2009.
The content is exclusively the personal opinion of the author. Under no circumstances should the content be attributed to CSIS, Next America, or the author's employer, unless explicitly stated.







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america being the super
america being the super power and developed country has certain responsilbilities too reagrding the image that is projected to the world out there. when people see america from outside they go for the 'otherwise' not for the 'or '
so when ever america is steppign into something new they should broaden their approach and try to be on a safe side
There is no doubt that the
There is no doubt that the US is capable of acting unilaterally, even successfully so. This ignores, however, the counterfactual situation in which the US receives international support. In general, such support would make the US’s desired outcome more effectively and efficiently obtained.
Ms. Wisner even tacitly accepts at least some importance behind a favorable image by citing as positive the small uptick in foreign perception of America’s reputation in 2007 (the flimsiness of this citation, however, was addressed by mentman). The correct implication to draw from the data is not accepting this small reversal in the large downward trend as sufficient nor automatic.
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But how much does it matter?
Of course America’s image abroad matters. The opinion’s of other nations influence the types of threats America faces as well as America’s ability to overcome challenges. America’s current poor image abroad has been commonly argued as increasing terrorist radicalization and decreasing foreign nation’s cooperation with American initiatives. The real difficulty policy maker’s face is how much does America’s image abroad matter? At the heart of Wisner’s argument is the realpolitik notion that America ought to only be concerned with advancing its own interests. Clearly, America’s image abroad is central to our ability to forward international goals but politicians should not be so concerned of a positive image that America is hamstrung in pursuing its interests. The trick is finding the balance.
Certainly during the World Wars and even the Cold War, America’s image abroad mattered less. The name of the game was military and economic power. It was in this environment that realist theory was developed. Realist theory is still applicable today but it must be adapted to fit with the changed international landscape where America’s image abroad is a key component in forwarding its own goals. More so than ever, today’s challenges are shared amongst many nations and require international cooperation to solve. Issues such as climate change, terrorism, and the global economic downturn necessitate all nations’ involvement and unilateral actions are of less utility.
Soft power is essential to smart power
Ms. Wisner states that US foreign policy has the basis of “ensuring American security, furthering American interests and the interests of her allies, and preserving America’s freedom and democracy”. What she does not appreciate is that every item on her list is affected by foreign perceptions of the American government and its people.
With an unfavorable international image, American security suffers. Americans living and traveling abroad are subject to more scrutiny and often more violence. Locals rebel against US businesses. Groups determined to attack the US gain more support in terms of financial support, local protection, and raw manpower.
Similarly, American interests suffer. States are less likely to cooperate with the US on any number of issues. Trade agreements, trade sanctions, multilateral military engagements, energy agreements, international human rights accords, global climate action, transnational infrastructure projects, ease of foreign investment, extradition of domestic criminals, joint scientific projects, and even streamlining visa requirements are just a fraction of international ventures that are American interests yet contingent on favorable relations. It goes without saying that if the US acts in a way that alienates its allies, the interest of these allies suffers too.
Finally, the perseverance and preservation of America’s freedom and democracy depends inherently on her place in the international sphere. Without the benefits of a positive image discussed already, Americans’ freedom, from the freedom of travel to the freedom to engage in commerce, is abridged in the international arena. Democracy cannot function properly without a free and safe society, and American society is less of both when our image suffers.
There is no doubt that the US is capable of acting unilaterally, even successfully so. This ignores, however, the counterfactual situation in which the US receives international support. In general, such support would make the US’s desired outcome more effectively and efficiently obtained.
Ms. Wisner even tacitly accepts at least some importance behind a favorable image by citing as positive the small uptick in foreign perception of America’s reputation in 2007 (the flimsiness of this citation, however, was addressed by mentman). The correct implication to draw from the data is not accepting this small reversal in the large downward trend as sufficient nor automatic.
International relations are not a simple calculation of relative raw power; cooperation between human (only too human) officials depends on cooperation, trust, and respect. The US would be well-served to remember this. Smart power cannot exist without soft power.
without a good image, we have nothing
while many may believe that the perception other countries and their citizens have of the united states is not important, it plays a significant role in our country's foreign policy. what we have to keep in mind is that our relationships with other nations is forged through relationships with the government figures who are elected by the people. president and prime ministers are always worrying about being reelected and if siding with the united states looks to be detrimental to their chances for reelection, you can be quite sure that their willingness to work with americans will drop dramatically. that is precisely what happened with the war in iraq. the united kingdom and france, along with other "allies", all pulled out because their voting populace was against the war. we have all see how far american unilateralism will take us - into further debt and more unsuccessful wars where the american death toll, not to mention the civilian death tolls in the countries we chose to enter, rise significantly.
the united states was once perceived as the savior of the world. with fdr's choice to enter world war 2, it was the united states that came to the rescue of other nations as they found themselves in the blunder of war. that image, sadly enough, has become an item of the past, as the united states is now mocked and looked at as a global tyrant for its actions.
the united states needs to move away from its bully idealism and realize that its stronghold came through diplomacy and multilateralism. this passed summer during the russia/georgia conflict, it was the european union that reached out with diplomatic talks to bring peace, while the united states once again believed that it was their military might that would be the best manner by which to come to a solution. what good is it being the star quarterback if no one wants to be your friend?
while it may be true that foreign citizens don't vote in us elections and can't play a direct role in how we run our country, it is imperative to remember that without foreign relationship and allies, we have nothing.
Won't Hurt, Might Help.
American image abroad is a double edged sword. On one hand, it shouldn't be an overly driving force for policy makers, as the U.S. still must act in its best interest even if it offends others, however, In today's society, image does matters more than ever. We are facing serious problems on a global level that must be dealt with and they can not be dealt with by only one country, or even a handful of countries. Many of the seven revolution problems are example of these truly global problems. If there is any hope for the pollution problem to find fixed, it must be devised and implemented by the entire world, not just the U.S. For this reason, our image needs to be renewed if we want to be able to effectively work with leaders from all corners of the globe.
While making decisions, It is important to look at the way our foreign policy impacts our image abroad. However, it is not our foreign policy alone shapes our image. Much of the American image is a creation of our society all the way from what we eat, to the cars we drive, to the movies we produce. Some cultures are fond of the America way of life, others are not. What is important though is when our actions or inactions begin to directly impact other people's ways of life. Many American's are completely oblivious to the impacts our foreign policy decisions have on other countries. The effects are so large that you will find almost more coverage for the U.S. presidential election in a foreign country than their own elections.
The 2008 presidential election was truly in the global spotlight. Whether or not the extreme statistics of the global support for Obama were correct or not (~75% Obama 25 McCain), it is clear from the several trips I took abroad this year that the world really is rooting for Obama. On the surface you can attribute this to the fact that he simply isn't a typical old white presidential nominee, but on a deeper level, I think they are hoping that the American people, not the American politicians, want change and renewed cooperative diplomacy in the world. When Obama takes office next month, we will see if his promises come true and if a new American image will aid the new president in solving some of the major global issues facing the world today.
Becoming an anti-bully
America has served as a land of promise for millions of immigrants throughout the world for centuries. America was looked upon as a place of high values and wise decision-making by its politicians. However, with the outgoing presidency of George W. Bush, America’s image abroad has been dealt a severe blow. Repeated intrusions into countries that we, as a nation, have no business asserting our values into has led to our demise as a leading nation in the moral realm. The nearly unilateral invasion of Iraq followed by the opening of Guantanamo Bay in Cuba has destroyed America’s state of enlightenment. President’s Bush terrible foreign policy in the Middle East has been epitomized by the recent event in which an Iraqi journalist flung his shoes, one of the greatest possible insults in the Arab world, at the President’s head during his recent trip to Iraq—the nation the he claims to have bettered following the 2003 invasion. Though the world is a less evil place without the likes of Saddam Hussein, the warlike mentality of the United States over the past eight years has generated harsh feelings of resentment globally. Having a positive image abroad can instill a sense of trust—a vital component in diplomacy. The incoming Obama administration will have the chance to alter America’s image worldwide. If the new president and his staff can assert to the world that America’s bully-like mentality has in fact changed, then future problems abroad may be more solvable through diplomatic channels. Normalizing relations with Cuba and openly talking with Iran (and perhaps Hamas and Hezbollah) are some moves that President Obama could undertake to show the world that America is returning to its senses. Radicalism is fueled by hatred of ‘the other.’ If the United States truly wants to win ‘the war on terror,’ in addition to numerous other challenges facing the world, then it will need to provide an image of understanding of people’s issues around the world.
Image or policy?
America's image is doing just fine. In Eastern Europe, that is.
But that joke aside there's a massive difference between the image of the United States and its foreign policy. Foreign policy is the actions, whilst image is, well, image. Image isn't linked directly to policy. Policy can influence American image, but the image is not solely influenced by policy. Individuals, more specifically leaders, have a large implication in what American image abroad is.
But policy shouldn't be changed because of image. Image can be a very important issue, especially for a large and important country like the United States, but this is a fake issue when it comes to foreign policy. Foreign policy is to be designed on national interest, international context and the people that are in charge at the moment. If foreign policy is done right according to these three issues it's more than likely going to spur change in image abroad.
David Morar
Legitimacy Needed for Effective Response
The exercise of power will continue to remain the crucial issue among states in international society, but the ability of the United States to act with legitimacy is closely tied to other actors' consent. Our 'image' affects the viability of this support.
U.S. foreign policy has been most effective when it works through institutions or provides leadership to develop new entities to confront challenges. Establishment or continued operation of both formal and informal multilateral instruments grants less powerful participating states the ability to address concerns and provide a voice to initiatives. For the U.S. such processes provide legitimacy and ensure broader compliance with initiatives and proposals. America's image is an important part of the calculus that gives foreign statesmen and leaders their own domestic flexibility to engage the U.S. Gaining support for solutions to address the truly transnational issues that affect all of us is the best way to ensure global responses fit U.S. interests. A relatively positive image of both American culture and U.S. leadership is a crucial part of allowing foreign heads of state, NGOs, and commercial entities to participate with the credibility required to effectively structure these responses.
Image is everything
There seems to be broad agreement most in here, so I will keep this short. I want to reiterate the genius of President Bill Clinton when he said in his 2008 DNC Speech that the people around the world "have always been more impressed by the power of our example than the example of our power." The way that the world sees us has every bit to do with our security. Even from a realist perspective, America's security is ensured when the world views America as a single international power. For this to happen, other countries need to look up to America - both in the strength of its moral authority and in the morality of its army. But when the European Court of Human Rights refuses to turn over a suspected terrorist to the US because of concerns over human rights abuses, we have a hard time strong-arming other governments on human rights issues. And when the US economy is caught in the center of the greatest economic recession since the 1930s, it becomes harder to push our economic and trade agenda. In order for us to keep America as strong as possible, we must improve our image around the world.
The Economic Perspective
America’s relative position within the global economy depends as much on the perception of its economic well-being as the economic indicators themselves. The stability of the U.S. dollar, American domestic stability, and the role of the U.S. as an economic stalwart breeds international confidence in the American economic system that has allowed the U.S. to borrow trillions of dollars from international partners and implement trade organizations to promote U.S. economic policy agendas abroad over the past several decades.
Free markets allow private sector companies to react according to their own interests-an unbiased indicator of global priorities. From Bretton Woods to petrodollars, U.S. currency and the U.S. economy more generally, have historically benefited from a positive international perception that has allowed the U.S. to take the lead in global financial organizations and benefit from free trade coalitions and investment opportunities.
A change in America’s image abroad could have disastrous consequences for the American economy. The recent PEW Global Attitudes Report released in June 2008 showed that in 22 of 24 countries, the U.S. is most commonly identified as the world's leading economic power. The same study also showed that the large majority of countries polled feel the American economy is having a negative impact on national economies, large and small, in all parts of the world.
The relevance of “image” to economic growth has been empirically verified. The Great Depression resulted, in part, from a lack of confidence-both in the ability of the American economy to compete in the global marketplace and in the confidence of international actors in America’s economic invincibility.
Investment is based on an investor’s ability to correctly identify opportunities with positive future returns. A lack of investor confidence could severely disrupt the current system. Alan Greenspan stated in 2001 to the Senate Banking Committee that an “unpredictable rending of confidence is one reason that recessions are so difficult to forecast….our economic models have never been particularly successful in capturing a process driven in large part by nonrational behavior.” Perception and image, unquantifiable and irrational in an economic sense, are a major factor in economic success or decline.
Sorry Ms. Wisner
“American foreign policy is not a popularity contest; it is a game of realpolitik. It is conducted on the basis of ensuring American security, furthering American interests and the interests of her allies, and preserving America’s freedom and democracy.”
- Melissa Wisner
Although I appreciate your creative interpretation of the history of the past eight years and your discussion of the supposedly improving public opinion of the United States abroad, you grossly underestimate the importance of the U.S. image abroad. If the unilateral actions by the Bush administration had “ensured American security” in the past eight years, your disdain for the opinions of our (alienated) allies might appear justifiable. However, this is not the case. The surge has been a tactical success and we have paid off – not “defeated” – Sunni militias for their willingness to switch sides. The Iraq War is only one example of the general Bush foreign policy approach as embodied in the 2002 National Security Strategy. The blatant disregard for the concerns of other states has left the United States far less prepared to confront adversaries or secure American interests.
Moreover, you have entirely overlooked the bigger issue here: the challenges of the 21st century do not occur in the billiard-ball vacuum state system in which those great realists like Bismarck operated. Globalization has changed the game. We cannot fix climate change alone. We cannot combat transnational terrorist threats with alienated allies. The reality of this new world is that the United States cannot expect to lead on these essential challenges without the global support that is derived from popular support in other countries.
Finally, to the hard data. Although there have been some slight jumps in U.S. favorability ratings between 2007 and 2008, you have ignored long term trends. Between 2002 and 2007, in 26 of 33 countries surveyed U.S. favorability has decreased. Gains made in 2008 do not erase this distinct slide from grace.
The prescription suggested by a sober analysis of the data is not the “charm offensive” which you mock in your final paragraph. It is a reassertion of responsible American leadership on the global stage and on issues which do not deal solely with brute military force.
American Example - American Conscience
I remember the first time I heard the story of Dean Acheson traveling to Paris in the aftermath of the Cuban missile crisis:
Acheson was dispatched by President Kennedy to meet with Charles De Gaulle to solidify French support for actions to be taken against the Soviet Union and Cuba. Acheson reached for the photographs to show the French President, but De Gaulle stopped him, waving him off. He said something to the effect of "There is no need, Mister Acheson. I know President Kennedy and I know that the Americans would never try to deceive us." (The man telling that story then followed up with the point: "Name one single foreign leader that would say that about us now.")
Our trust is our diplomatic currency. And the example with which we act and lead as a Nation is the quill that will write the story of the people of this Earth. The best in America is, and has always been, the best in the world. From our resolve to reach the moon, to our fierce rejection of genocide in Nazi Germany, we have always led by an example of righteousness... Well, almost always.
The most recent example of the revisitation of history is that the U.S. invasion of Iraq has been used, in a sense, as a means of deflecting pressure from Russia for their invasion of Georgia. Putin has even gone so far as to claim the U.S. was involved in orchestrating the war and implementing battle plans. His thinking seems to be three-fold:
- Seeing the American example for violation of sovreignty as an excuse for his own country's actions.
- Capitalizing on the world's resulting mistrust of America to rally support to his own cause.
- Knowing that the world would stand by idly in fear of a nuclear power that was looking to get out and stretch their legs.
America has a sense of right and wrong. However, foreign policy being as complex as it is, we sometimes require guidance to do the right thing. The rest of the world remains perched on our shoulders whispering, like a devil in one ear and an angel in the other. In weighing our options, we hesitate to act.
But eventually the time will come for us to stop hesitating and to take firm action, regardless of what the opinions of others might be. Russia will surely object to our interference in the nuclear ambitions of Iran. China will certainly object to an interruption in Sudanese oil flow when we decide, not merely to disrupt the genocide in Darfur, but to actually go out and stop it dead in its tracks. Half the Muslim world will erupt when we need to invade western Pakistan to reignite our fight against Al Qaeda and the Taliban. And all that we will have to guide us is the trust that we have the best information available, and a prayer that we act righteously and justly, based upon that information.
Of course we must consider American interests first and foremost when taking action, be it military or diplomatic. But to say that international opinion has no place in the consideration or execution of our foreign policy is ignorance. Foreign policy will come back to bite us in the a**. It already has.
A False Choice
The question of whether American foreign policy should be driven by concerns about America's image abroad or based solely on American interests presents a false choice. American interests are affected by the way America is perceived abroad, so it is impossible to separate these two concerns.
America’s ability to achieve its foreign policy objectives is affected by the way the world sees America. Sometimes America needs a significant, diverse coalition of supporting nations to achieve a mission. In other situations, winning over hearts and minds is essential. On the other hand, one can also imagine a situation where pursuit of an essential American objective will be very unpopular, but the end is so important that it cannot be sacrificed to global opinion polls. A leader who eschewed America's vital interests in pursuit of international popularity would be many times more harmful than the often criticized leaders who govern based on domestic opinion polls.
So then, the question is not whether American foreign policy should be based on America's image in the world. The more appropriate question, is whether (1) American foreign policy should be made primarily based on America's image abroad; or (2) whether America's image abroad should be viewed as a currency that should be accrued when it makes sense and spent when necessary. The first approach amounts to sacrificing American interests in the reckless pursuit of global popularity, whereas the second approach strikes a more appropriate balance between American national interests and friendly relations with other states. In today’s world, it often falls to America to keep the peace, to maintain the balance of power, and to promote stable economic conditions. These are responsibilities that cannot always be fulfilled if popularity is the end goal.
It would be just as irresponsible to say that America's image in the world does not matter at all. Thus, it is important to act in contexts where pursuing American interests enhances America's image abroad. For example, America has failed to pursue such an opportunity by neglecting the conflict in Darfur. This human rights crisis is also an essential part of the global war on terror. When vindicating national interests will also enhance American popularity or prestige, intervention makes sense. But to view America's popularity as an end in and of itself is myopic. There are times when America's interests run contrary to those of other nations. Sometimes strategic competition will make America unpopular even when it acts in the world’s interest. A responsible leader will recognize such situations and act in the face of foreign opposition, perhaps depleting some of the good will that was previously accumulated. In this way, America's popularity is a currency that should be built up when possible and spent when necessary.
What "Image Abroad" Really Means
Melissa
While it's very bold to quote Machiavelli in this context, I think you've mistaken the philosopher's intent by omitting the line before it. It reads, "...a wise prince should establish himself on that which is his own control and not in that of others; he must endeavor to avoid hatred..." Since we are suspending reality momentarily and comparing the United States to a hypothetical authoritarian prince, it is safe to say that Machiavelli, under no circumstances, believed it was in the rational best interest of ones self-preservation to be hated. If we are going to bring this into the international community and apply its realist philosophy today, I believe America's failing image in the world would be better characterized by disdain and distrust than the kind of fear a peasantry would have for its brutal monarch.
True perceptions in the modern world are far more complicated than the simplified abstracts of "fear and love." The United States is not a prince concerned only with the preservation of power; nor does the state "act" independently of the complex issue networks that make up the web of foreign policymaking from interest groups, to constituencies, multinational corporations and our leaders themselves. The United States is a democracy set on a foundation of ideas, which Admiral James G. Stavridis calls a "marketplace of ideas" where we are but one voice in a chorus of competing values. When we make foreign policy decisions hypocritical to our own core values, whether it be the validation of torture for our national security interests or the continued existence of the prisons in Guantanamo, we erode our credibility and injure the United States.
The actions we should take to ensure the preservation of our image abroad do not come in conflict with our national security interests. In fact, they are synonymous. What you call a "2009 charm offensive," I call further development assistance, diplomatic engagement, intercultural understanding, environmental standards and a commitment to global health.
Another take
America's image abroad is not as critical as some pundits have argued. On a fundamental level, it is important to remember that countries will not support the United States if they do not see it as in their interests, no matter how good our image. Conversely, countries will support the United States if they see a particular intervention as in their interests, even if our country's image is at an all-time low. Nonetheless, just because America's image isn't everything does not mean that image is nothing. Indeed, there are good reasons that the United States should be concerned with its image, for both domestic and international purposes.
It is very difficult for a U.S. president to rally his people in favor of foreign interventions if Americans feel that they are not well-liked abroad. In their foreign relations, Americans have always viewed themselves as serving a cause greater than merely their own self-interest. To secure support for sending troops to Europe in World War I, President Wilson told Congress that the United States was entering the war to defend the universal right to self-determination. In World War II, President Roosevelt explained that our purpose was to "make the world safe for democracy." More recently, President Bush declared in his second inaugural that "America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof." This notion that that we are doing good in the world is threatened, however, when our friends in foreign capitals demonstrate against American intervention and when polls indicates that Americans are disliked by large numbers of people. Americans, feeling that their sacrifices are at best going unappreciated and at worst causing scorn, will decline to support necessary interventions.
Our image matters for international purposes as well, though in a more multidimensional way than is typically acknowledged. Recently, the debate about America's image has tended to focus almost exclusively on the question of whether we are well-liked. But popularity is only one small component of our image, and there are a variety of other components which do not receive sufficient attention: strength, which must be respected so that our allies feel safe under our security umbrella and our enemies continue to fear our threats; credibility, so that our allies and enemies alike believe that we will follow through on our commitments and trust the judgment of our intelligence estimates; and we must maintain our reputation as a responsible steward of the global economy, so that we continue to attract much-needed capital. It would be a mistake to focus singularly on whether we are well-liked at the expense of these other, equally important components of a healthy image.
But now, in conclusion, the good news: this broader conception of America's image helps us understand why we are not doing as poorly as some of the popularity polls in foreign countries suggest. It is why countries like Georgia seek membership in U.S.-led security institutions, and countries as diverse as Qatar and Japan take comfort from the presence of U.S. forces on their territory. It is why in Germany and France, the "old Europe" countries where antipathy towards the United States reached a fever pitch during the run-up to the Iraq War, voters elected the staunchly pro-American Merkel and Sarkozy, respectively. It is also why our movies remain popular and our embassies are as busy processing visas as ever. Image in the broader sense should be taken into consideration, then, but we need not be too concerned with ours at this point.
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